Angola | The Martyr of Life Imprisonment – Artur Queiroz

< Artur Queiroz, Luanda >

False news and disinformation are activities of the Head of the Executive Power and President of the Republic. The “Carlos São Vicente Case” confirms this reality. To put an end to lies, manipulations, and distortions, I gathered undeniable facts that reveal the whole truth about São Vicente’s near life imprisonment, as well as João Lourenço’s abuses and persecution against São Vicente and his family.

At the root are clear animosity and wild persecutions. At the top are the families of President Agostinho Neto and President José Eduardo dos Santos. The goal: to rewrite history. João Lourenço wants to be seen as the only president, despite not having any real achievements to his name.

The revenge against Agostinho’s family mirrors the actions of the 27 May 1977 factionalists. João Lourenço surrounds himself with failed coup plotters—starting with his wife, Ana Afonso Dias, and others like Aguinaldo Jaime, a friend of both Ana Afonso Dias and Edeltrudes Costa. He was rewarded with the presidency of UNITEL’s board, where he has mismanaged and pillaged the company. Also involved is militant factionalist Félix Matias, close to Lourenço and Ana Afonso, and business partner in various ventures.

Worse still: Francisco Queiroz, who devised CIVICOP to accuse Agostinho Neto of the “genocide” of 80,000 people following the military coup of May 27, 1977. This was a complete failure. Since 2021, only 3,284 death certificates have been issued, covering all political conflicts. Victims were not identified or classified. These falsifiers (Francisco Queiroz and Marcy Lopes) deserve 10 years in prison. The fake bones scandal exposed their manipulations. There was never a conference for testimonies and documents to promote reconciliation. No genocide occurred in or after May 27. The attempt to assassinate Agostinho Neto’s legacy failed spectacularly.

President João Lourenço handed out medals to factionalists in celebration of Angola’s 50 years of independence—clear evidence of his ties to coup plotters.

Businessman Carlos São Vicente is now the main victim of João Lourenço’s abuses, crimes, and persecution—driven by envy. São Vicente is one of the few Angolans to become a billionaire through hard work, vision, intelligence, and opportunity. His wealth is well documented. I have all the documents. It stems from insurance, reinsurance, pension fund management, real estate, banking, and capital market investments. All annual accounts were audited.

A bizarre episode became a thorn: João Lourenço and Ana Afonso Dias owned JAC Ltd. One of their trucks crashed due to speeding on a slippery road. AAA SEGUROS SA declined the claim. João Lourenço called São Vicente, who confirmed the decision. Unhappy, Lourenço later had São Vicente imprisoned!

Another case: Paulo Marques, a former AAA SEGUROS employee, faced a disciplinary case and quit to avoid consequences—then vowed revenge, claiming kinship with João Lourenço. He lied in court against São Vicente.

São Vicente had proposed the “FUTURE PENSION FUND” in the 1990s, responding to a request from President José Eduardo dos Santos to support veterans. João Barradas relayed the request. São Vicente was tasked to lead with Isaac dos Anjos and António Furtado, while João Lourenço was assigned to monitor. Later, São Vicente returned to SONANGOL, working part-time on the fund as authorized by the president. His closeness to dos Santos stirred jealousy in Lourenço, who targeted him as part of his anti-corruption campaign when he became president in 2017.

During PGR hearings in September 2020, São Vicente was repeatedly asked if he was a partner of dos Santos or Manuel Vicente—he denied it every time, stating his wealth was entirely his own. His family business AAA was being handed over to his children upon his retirement in March 2020. This transition was interrupted by his arbitrary arrest on September 22, 2020.

His wife of 40 years, Dr. Irene Neto, suffered too. In 2017, her name was included without consent in the MPLA’s parliamentary candidate list. She requested removal. João Lourenço took it as a personal insult. Afterward, she declined government and diplomatic roles out of personal choice. In December 2024, Lourenço removed her from the MPLA Political Bureau, preventing a potential presidential run in 2027.

In July 2021, Irene Neto met with President Lourenço to question her husband’s unjust imprisonment and asset seizures. Lourenço, flustered, denied any persecution. She later criticized Presidential Decree 69/2021, which monetized court sentences at 10% of recovered assets. She also publicly criticized government neglect of Agostinho Neto’s legacy.

The Swiss Plot

In 2018, dissatisfied with BANK SYZ SA’s service, São Vicente ordered his accounts closed. Instead of complying, the bank alerted Swiss authorities. The Geneva Prosecutor froze the accounts without hearing him. São Vicente traveled to Geneva in 2019, explained everything, and provided audited accounts from 2001–2017. Despite this, only $220 million was unfrozen, and $900 million remained frozen without evidence. A Swiss blog published the story, triggering a media frenzy in Angola that publicly convicted him without proof.

The Angolan state media launched a campaign against him—TV pieces, interviews, false reports. São Vicente was tried in the court of public opinion.

Life Imprisonment

On September 22, 2020, São Vicente was taken into “preventive detention” at Viana Prison. The Prosecutor General, Hélder Pitta Grós, had previously confirmed to Switzerland that São Vicente was innocent. João Lourenço threatened: either imprison him, or the Prosecutor goes to jail.

Without his lawyers present, Prosecutor Eduarda Rodrigues visited São Vicente in prison and demanded he hand over all his assets. He refused. She threatened that if he didn’t comply, he would remain imprisoned indefinitely. She offered $10 million to walk away—he declined. She doubled it to $20 million. He still refused.

The trial, in 2022, was a farce. His main lawyer was expelled from court. Evidence of innocence was ignored. Judges acted under orders. São Vicente was sentenced to 9 years and ordered to pay $4.5 billion. The Court of Appeal increased the sentence to 10 years illegally. He was imprisoned almost 3 years before sentencing—far exceeding legal limits.

Legal Warfare

The São Vicente case became a model of lawfare—using legal systems for political warfare. Legal changes were made retroactively to fit his case. New crimes were invented. The Presumption of Innocence was violated. The Prosecutor became more powerful than the Judge.

Presidential Decree 69/2021 introduced the 10% recovery reward. São Vicente was excluded from the 2022 Amnesty Law. Only after strong criticism—including from the UN—did the Constitutional Court finally strike the decree down (Ruling 883/2024), but did not apply it retroactively to São Vicente.

UN Intervention

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention issued Opinion 63/2023, declaring São Vicente’s detention arbitrary, demanding immediate release and compensation. Angola ignored it and claimed they weren’t notified.

In April 2024, São Vicente’s lawyers formally requested compensation—no response. João Lourenço reacted angrily. The ruling damaged his anti-corruption narrative. Still, São Vicente was not freed, nor compensated.

Parole Denied

After serving half his sentence with good behavior and receiving partial amnesty, São Vicente was eligible for parole in June 2024. Viana Prison submitted the request. It was intercepted by the Interior Ministry, following orders from João Lourenço. His name was removed from the 2024 presidential pardon list out of spite. São Vicente is still behind bars.

Everyone now agrees São Vicente is a political prisoner. Viana Prison has become João Lourenço’s personal jail.

He was due for release between March 17–21, 2025. But João Lourenço blocked it again. The goal is to break him so he hands over his foreign-held funds. He remains imprisoned because he refuses to surrender or lie. It’s a slow-motion assassination. São Vicente is 65 and suffers chronic illness. He’s been hospitalized four times, had 17 bouts of malaria, 13 dehydration episodes, dengue, hemorrhages, and unconsciousness.

He lives in a cell with no running water or ventilation. He showers three times a week using bottled water. The prison is infested with mosquitoes and rats. All food, water, and supplies are brought from home.

He receives no support from the state. He’s Angola’s cheapest political prisoner. He suffers daily from stress, anxiety, and illness. Despite everything, he survives thanks to his family, the Girassol Clinic, and a pension—ironically, from a fund he himself created.

Journalist